Gorsuch – “But waiting should not be mistaken for lack of concern. “

The Supreme Court in today’s order list has denied certiorari in Guedes et al v. BATFE. Guedes and the Firearms Policy Foundation had appealed the decision of the US Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia. That decision denied an injunction in the case.

Justice Neil Gorsuch agreed with the decision to deny certiorari in the case given it had not been fully briefed and argued on the merits. He did think the Court of Appeals made an error in relying on Chevron deference in this case because it involves a criminal penalty. He also noted that both the plaintiffs and the government had expressly argued that any decision should not rely on Chevron deference.

Gorsuch referred to the BATFE’s actions on reclassifying bump stocks as “bureaucratic pirouetting”.

Chevron’s application in this case may be doubtful for other reasons too. The agency used to tell everyone that bump stocks don’t qualify as “machineguns.” Now it says the opposite. The law hasn’t changed, only an agency’s interpretation of it. And these days it sometimes seems agencies change their statutory interpretations almost as often as elections change administrations. How, in all this, can ordinary citizens be expected to keep up—required not only to conform their conduct to the fairest reading of the law they might expect from a neutral judge, but forced to guess whether the statute will be declared ambiguous; to guess again whether the agency’s initial interpretation of the law will be declared “reasonable”; and to guess again whether a later and opposing agency interpretation will also be held “reasonable”? And why should courts, charged with the independent and neutral interpretation of the laws Congress has enacted, defer to such bureaucratic pirouetting?

If I had to hazard a guess, when this or one of the sister cases involving the reinterpretation of the NFA to ban bump stocks does come before the Supreme Court fully briefed on the merits, Gorsuch will most definitely be in favor of hearing the case. Moreover, I would go further and say he would not find in favor of BATFE.

SCOTUS Denies Cert In Peruta Case

Damn, damn, damn. I thought the Peruta case had a chance to bring carry before the Supreme Court. In the orders released this morning, the Supreme Court denied certiorari in the case of Peruta et al v. California et al.

Justice Thomas and Justice Gorsuch dissented in this denial of cert. Justice Thomas wrote a strong dissent with which Justice Gorsuch joined. I am putting the full dissent below. I will be adding comments after I have had time to read the whole thing.

The addition to the Court of Justice Gorsuch was good. I just wish there were more like him and Justice Thomas who care about both the precedents of Heller and McDonald as well as the Second Amendment.

1
Cite as: 582 U. S. ____ (2017)



THOMAS
, J., dissenting



SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES
EDWARD PERUTA,
ET
AL
.
v.
CALIFORNIA,
ET AL



.
ON PETITION FOR WRIT OF CERTIORARI TO THE UNITED
STATES COURT OF APPEALS FOR THE NINTH CIRCUIT



No. 16–894. Decided June 26, 2017


The petition for a writ of certiorari is denied.


JUSTICE
THOMAS
, with whom JUSTICE
GORSUCH
joins,
dissenting from the denial of certiorari.



The Second Amendment to the Constitution guarantees
that “the right of the people to keep and bear Arm[s] shall
not be infringed.” At issue in this case is whether that
guarantee protects the right to carry firearms in public for
self-defense. Neither party disputes that the issue is one
of national importance or that the courts of appeals have
already weighed in extensively. I would therefore grant
the petition for a writ of certiorari.



I


California generally prohibits the average citizen from
carrying a firearm in public spaces, either openly or con­
cealed. With a few limited exceptions, the State prohibits
open carry altogether. Cal. Penal Code Ann. §§25850,
26350 (West 2012). It proscribes concealed carry unless a
resident obtains a license by showing “good cause,” among
other criteria, §§26150, 26155, and it authorizes counties
to set rules for when an applicant has shown good cause,
§26160.



In the county where petitioners reside, the sheriff has
interpreted “good cause” to require an applicant to show
that he has a particularized need, substantiated by docu­mentary evidence, to carry a firearm for self-defense. The
sheriff ’s policy specifies that “concern for one’s personal
safety” does not “alone” satisfy this requirement.
Peruta
v.
County of
San Diego
, 742 F. 3d 1144, 1148 (CA9 2014) (internal quotation marks omitted). Instead, an applicant
must show “a set of circumstances that distinguish the
applicant from the mainstream and cause him to be placed
in harm’s way.”
Id.
, at 1169 (internal quotation marks
and alterations omitted). “[A] typical citizen fearing for
his personal safety—by definition—cannot distinguish
himself from the mainstream.”
Ibid.
(emphasis deleted;
internal quotation marks and alterations omitted). As a
result, ordinary, “law-abiding, responsible citizens,”
District of Columbia
v.
Heller
, 554 U. S. 570, 635 (2008), may
not obtain a permit for concealed carry of a firearm in
public spaces.



Petitioners are residents of San Diego County (plus an
association with numerous county residents as members)
who are unable to obtain a lic
ense for concealed carry due
to the county’s policy and, because the State generally
bans open carry, are thus unable to bear firearms in public
in any manner. They sued under Rev. Stat. §1979, 42
U.
S. C. §1983, alleging that this near-total prohibition on
public carry violates their Second Amendment right to
bear arms. They requested declaratory and injunctive
relief to prevent the sheriff from denying licenses based on
his restrictive interpretation
of “good cause,” as well as
other “relief as the Court deems just and proper.” First
Amended Complaint in No. 3:09–cv–02371, (SD Cal.)
¶¶149, 150, 152. The District Court granted respondents’
motion for summary judgment, and petitioners appealed
to the Ninth Circuit.



In a thorough opinion, a panel of the Ninth Circuit
reversed. 742 F. 3d 1144. The panel examined the consti­
tutional text and this Court’s precedents, as well as histor­ical sources from before the founding era through the end
of the 19th century.
Id.,
at 1150–1166. Based on these
sources, the court concluded that “the carrying of an oper­able handgun outside the home for the lawful purpose of
self-defense . . . constitutes ‘bear[ing] Arms’ within the meaning of the Second Amendment.”
Id.
, at 1166. It thus
reversed the District Court and held that the sheriff ’s
interpretation of “good cause” in combination with the
other aspects of the State’s
regime violated the Second
Amendment’s command that a State “permit
some form
of
carry for self-defense outside the home.”
Id.,
at 1172.



The Ninth Circuit
sua sponte
granted rehearing en banc
and, by a divided court, reversed the panel decision. In
the en banc court’s view, because petitioners specifically
asked for the invalidation of the sheriff ’s “good cause”
interpretation, their legal challenge was limited to that
aspect of the applicable regulatory scheme. The court thus
declined to “answer the question of whether or to what
degree the Second Amendment might or might not protect
a right of a member of the general public to carry firearms
openly in public.”
Peruta
v.
County of San Diego
, 824
F.
3d 919, 942 (2016). It instead held only that “the Sec­
ond Amendment does not preserve or protect a right of a
member of the general public to carry
concealed
firearms
in public.”
Id.,
at 924 (emphasis added).



II


We should have granted certiorari in this case. The
approach taken by the en banc court is indefensible, and
the petition raises important questions that this Court
should address. I see no reason to await another case.



A


The en banc court’s decision to limit its review to
whether the Second Amendment protects the right to
concealed carry—as opposed to
the more general right to
public carry—was untenable. Most fundamentally, it was
not justified by the terms of the complaint, which called
into question the State’s regulatory scheme as a whole.
See First Amended Complaint ¶63 (“Because California
does not permit the open carriage of loaded firearms, concealed carriage with a [concealed carry] permit is the
only means by which an individual can bear arms in pub­
lic places”);
id.
, ¶74 (“States may not completely ban the
carrying of handguns for self-defense”). And although the
complaint specified the remedy that intruded least on the
State’s overall regulatory regime—declaratory relief and
an injunction against the sheriff ’s restrictive interpretation of “good cause”—it also requested “[a]ny further relief
as the Court deems just and proper.”
Id.,
¶152.



Nor was the Ninth Circuit’s approach justified by the
history of this litigation. The District Court emphasized
that “the heart of the parties’ dispute” is whether the
Second Amendment protects “the right to carry a loaded
handgun in public, either openly or in a concealed man­
ner.”
Peruta
v.
County of San Diego
, 758 F. Supp. 2d 1106,
1109 (SD Cal. 2010). As the Ninth Circuit panel pointed
out, “[petitioners] argue that the San Diego County policy
in light of the California licensing scheme
as a whole
violates the Second Amendment because it precludes a
responsible, law-abiding citizen from carrying a weapon in
public for the purpose of lawful self-defense in
any
man­
ner.” 742 F. 3d, at 1171. The panel further observed that
although petitioners “focu[s]” their challenge on the “li­
censing scheme for concealed carry,” this is “for good
reason: acquiring such a license is the only practical ave­nue by which [they] may come lawfully to carry a gun for
self-defense in San Diego County.”
Ibid.
Even the en banc
court acknowledged that petitioners “base their argument
on the entirety of California’s statutory scheme” and “do
not
contend that there is a free-standing Second Amend­
ment right to carry concealed firearms.” 824 F. 3d, at 927.



B


Had the en banc Ninth Circuit answered the question
actually at issue in this case, it likely would have been
compelled to reach the opposite result. This Court has already suggested that the Second Amendment protects
the right to carry firearms in public in some fashion. As
we explained in
Heller
, to “bear arms” means to “
‘wear,
bear, or carry upon the person or in the clothing or in a
pocket, for the purpose of being armed and ready for offen­sive or defensive action in a case of conflict with another
person.’
” 554 U. S., at 584 (quoting
Muscarello
v.
United
States
, 524 U. S. 125, 143 (1998) (GINSBURG
, J.,
dissent­ing); alterations and some internal quotation marks omit­
ted). The most natural reading of this definition encom­
passes public carry. I find it extremely improbable that
the Framers understood the Second Amendment to protect
little more than carrying a gun from the bedroom to the
kitchen. See
Drake
v.
Filko
, 724 F. 3d 426, 444 (CA3
2013) (Hardiman, J., dissenting) (“To speak of ‘bearing’
arms solely within one’s home not only would conflate
‘bearing’ with ‘keeping,’ in derogation of the [
Heller
]
Court’s holding that the verbs codified distinct rights, but
also would be awkward usage given the meaning assigned
the terms by the Supreme Court”);
Moore
v.
Madigan
, 702
F. 3d 933, 936 (CA7 2012) (similar). already suggested that the Second Amendment protects
the right to carry firearms in public in some fashion. As
we explained in
Heller
, to “bear arms” means to “
‘wear,
bear, or carry upon the person or in the clothing or in a
pocket, for the purpose of being armed and ready for offen­sive or defensive action in a case of conflict with another
person.’
” 554 U. S., at 584 (quoting
Muscarello
v.
United
States
, 524 U. S. 125, 143 (1998) (GINSBURG
, J.,
dissent­ing); alterations and some internal quotation marks omit­
ted). The most natural reading of this definition encom­
passes public carry. I find it extremely improbable that
the Framers understood the Second Amendment to protect
little more than carrying a gun from the bedroom to the
kitchen. See
Drake
v.
Filko
, 724 F. 3d 426, 444 (CA3
2013) (Hardiman, J., dissenting) (“To speak of ‘bearing’
arms solely within one’s home not only would conflate
‘bearing’ with ‘keeping,’ in derogation of the [
Heller
]
Court’s holding that the verbs codified distinct rights, but
also would be awkward usage given the meaning assigned
the terms by the Supreme Court”);
Moore
v.
Madigan
, 702
F. 3d 933, 936 (CA7 2012) (similar).
The relevant history appears to support this under­
standing. The panel opinion below pointed to a wealth of
cases and secondary sources from England, the founding
era, the antebellum period, and Reconstruction, which
together strongly suggest that the right to bear arms
includes the right to bear arms in public in some manner.
See 742 F. 3d, at 1153–1166 (canvassing the relevant
history in detail); Brief for Na
tional Rifle Association as
Amicus Curiae
6–16. For example, in
Nunn
v.
State
, 1 Ga.
243 (1846)—a decision the
Heller
Court discussed exten­sively as illustrative of the proper understanding of the
right, 554 U. S., at 612—the Georgia Supreme Court
struck down a ban on open carry although it upheld a ban
on concealed carry. 1 Ga., at 251. Other cases similarly
suggest that, although some regulation of public carry is already suggested that the Second Amendment protects
the right to carry firearms in p
ublic in some fashion. As
we explained in
Heller
, to “bear arms” means to “
‘wear,
bear, or carry upon the person or in the clothing or in a
pocket, for the purpose of being armed and ready for offen­sive or defensive action in a case of conflict with another
person.’
” 554 U. S., at 584 (quoting
Muscarello
v.
United
States
, 524 U. S. 125, 143 (1998) (GINSBURG
, J.,
dissent
ing); alterations and some internal quotation marks omit­
ted). The most natural reading of this definition encom
passes public carry. I find it extremely improbable that
the Framers understood the Second Amendment to protect
little more than carrying a gun from the bedroom to the
kitchen. See
Drake
v.
Filko
, 724 F. 3d 426, 444 (CA3
2013) (Hardiman, J., dissenting) (“To speak of ‘bearing’
arms solely within one’s home not only would conflate
‘bearing’ with ‘keeping,’ in derogation of the [
Heller
]
Court’s holding that the verbs codified distinct rights, but
also would be awkward usage given the meaning assigned
the terms by the Supreme Court”);
Moore
v.
Madigan
, 702
F. 3d 933, 936 (CA7 2012) (similar).



The relevant history appears to support this under­
standing. The panel opinion below pointed to a wealth of
cases and secondary sources from England, the founding
era, the antebellum period, and Reconstruction, which
together strongly suggest that the right to bear arms
includes the right to bear arms in public in some manner.
See 742 F. 3d, at 1153–1166 (canvassing the relevant
history in detail); Brief for National Rifle Association as
Amicus Curiae
6–16. For example, in
Nunn
v.
State
, 1 Ga.
243 (1846)—a decision the
Heller
Court discussed exten­sively as illustrative of the proper understanding of the
right, 554 U. S., at 612—the Georgia Supreme Court
struck down a ban on open carry although it upheld a ban
on concealed carry. 1 Ga., at 251. Other cases similarly
suggest that, although some regulation of public carry is permissible, an effective ban on all forms of public carry is
not. See,
e.g., State
v.
Reid
, 1 Ala. 612, 616–617 (1840) (“A
statute which, under the pretence of regulating, amounts
to a destruction of the right, or which requires arms to be
so borne as to render them wholly useless for the purpose
of defence, would be clearly unconstitutional”).



Finally, the Second Amendment’s core purpose further
supports the conclusion that the right to bear arms ex­
tends to public carry. The Court in
Heller
emphasized
that “self-defense” is “the
central component
of the [Second
Amendment] right itself.” 554 U. S., at 599. This purpose
is not limited only to the home, even though the need for
self-defense may be “most acute” there.
Id.,
at 628. “Self­
defense has to take place wherever the person happens to
be,” and in some circumstances a person may be more
vulnerable in a public place than in his own house. Volokh, Implementing the Right To Keep and Bear Arms for
Self-Defense: An Analytical Framework and a Research
Agenda, 56 UCLA L. Rev. 1443, 1515 (2009).



C


Even if other Members of the Court do not agree that
the Second Amendment likely protects a right to public
carry, the time has come fo
r the Court to answer this
important question definitively
. Twenty-six States have
asked us to resolve the question presented, see Brief for
Alabama et al. as
Amici Curiae
, and the lower courts have
fully vetted the issue. At least four other Courts of Appeals and three state courts of last resort have decided
cases regarding the ability of States to regulate the public
carry of firearms. Those decisions (plus the one below)
have produced thorough opinions on both sides of the
issue. See
Drake
, 724 F. 3d 426, cert. denied
sub nom.
Drake
v.
Jerejian
, 572 U. S. ___ (2014); 724 F. 3d,
at 440
(Hardiman, J., dissenting);
Woollard
v.
Gallagher
, 712
F.
3d 865 (CA4), cert. denied, 571 U. S. ___ (2013);
Kachalsky
v.
County of Westchester
, 701 F. 3d 81 (CA2 2012),
cert. denied
sub nom
.
Kachalsky
v.
Cacace
, 569 U. S. ___
(2013);
Madigan
, 702 F. 3d 933;
id.,
at 943 (Williams, J.,
dissenting);
Commonwealth
v.
Gouse
, 461 Mass. 787, 800–
802, 965 N. E. 2d 774, 785–786 (2012);
Williams
v.
State
,
417 Md. 479, 496, 10 A. 3d 1167, 1177 (2011);
Mack
v.
United States
, 6 A. 3d 1224, 1236 (D. C. 2010). Hence, I do
not see much value in waiting for additional courts to
weigh in, especially when constitutional rights are at
stake.



The Court’s decision to deny certiorari in this case re­
flects a distressing trend: the treatment of the Second
Amendment as a disfavored right. See
Friedman
v.
High

land Park
, 577 U. S. ___, ___ (2015) (THOMAS
, J., dissenting from denial of certiorari) (slip op., at 6) (“The Court’s
refusal to review a decision that flouts two of our Second
Amendment precedents stands in marked contrast to the
Court’s willingness to summarily reverse courts that
disregard our other constitutional decisions”);
Jackson
v.
City and County of San Francisco
, 576 U. S. ___, ___
(2015) (same). The Constitution does not rank certain
rights above others, and I do not think this Court should
impose such a hierarchy by selectively enforcing its pre­ferred rights.
Id.
, at ___ (slip op., at 1) (“Second Amend­ment rights are no less protected by our Constitution than
other rights enumerated in that document”). The Court
has not heard argument in a Second Amendment case in
over seven years—since March 2, 2010, in
McDonald
v.
Chicago
, 561 U. S. 742. Since that time, we have heard
argument in, for example, roughly 35 cases where the
question presented turned on the meaning of the First
Amendment and 25 cases that turned on the meaning of
the Fourth Amendment. This discrepancy is inexcusable,
especially given how much
less developed our jurispru­dence is with respect to the Second Amendment as com­
pared to the First and Fourth Amendments.



For those of us who work in marbled halls, guarded
constantly by a vigilant and dedicated police force, the
guarantees of the Second Amendment might seem anti­quated and superfluous. But the Framers made a clear
choice: They reserved to all Americans the right to bear
arms for self-defense. I do not think we should stand by
idly while a State denies its citizens that right, particularly
when their very lives may depend on it. I respectfully
dissent.

How The Gun Prohibitionists Reacted To Gorsuch’s Confirmation

The anti-civil rights gun prohibitionists wasted little time in reacting to the news that the US Senate had confirmed Neil Gorsuch to the Supreme Court to succeed the late Antonin Scalia. Using terms like “NRA puppet masters”, “lapdogs”, and “radical position on the Second Amendment”, they vented their angst and anger due to the realization that the Second Amendment will not be marginalized as it would have been with a Justice Garland.

Oh, where to start with the whiny bitching, oh where to start. I might have started with the Everytown Mommies Demanding Illegal Mayors but they have posted no response. I guess Shannon Watts is still more worried about the dress code for people flying on United buddy passes than she is on the Supreme Court. Thus, I guess I should start with the Brady Campaign as they have been around the longest.

From Dan Gross at the Brady Campaign:

SENATE BENDS OVER BACKWARDS TO CONFIRM NRA’S SCOTUS PICK

WASHINGTON – Brady Campaign president Dan Gross issued the following statement after the Senate upended longstanding rules to force through Neil Gorsuch’s confirmation as Supreme Court Justice. The corporate gun industry spent millions to pressure senators to confirm Gorsuch by any means necessary.

“The gun industry spent big to ram their SCOTUS pick through the confirmation process, and the industry’s lapdogs in the Senate bent over backward to give the lobby its money’s worth. All eyes, especially ours, will be on this new justice. We’ll hold Gorsuch and the senators who sold out his seat accountable for any decision he makes that puts gun industry profits ahead of the right of all Americans not to be shot. We will continue to fight and be the voice of the 93 percent of Americans who demand sensible solutions to prevent gun violence.”

Moving on to Gabby Giffords and her Americans for Responsible Solutions (sic) where Peter Ambler released their statement:

“The United States Senate just voted to confirm a justice whose views do not reflect the values and priorities of the American people. Throughout the confirmation process, Judge Gorsuch avoided giving meaningful answers on a range of topics, including the Second Amendment. Despite persistent questioning, he refused to acknowledge that the Second Amendment, like all constitutional rights, was ‘not unlimited’—a point the landmark Heller decision made explicitly. This is serious cause for concern and suggests that he would be willing do the gun lobby’s bidding and prioritize his own political agenda over an open-minded, fair interpretation of the law. When a groundswell of opposition to Judge Gorsuch’s nomination surfaced, Senate Republicans changed rules—instead of the nominee—in order to make sure he was confirmed. Americans deserve better. We deserve justices on the Supreme Court who respect the Second Amendment while also recognizing that reasonable regulations that reduce gun violence do not violate anyone’s constitutional rights.”

Also from their coalition partners the Law Center to Prevent Gun Violence (sic), Robyn Thomas had this to say:

“Anyone concerned about public safety in America should be concerned that today the Senate voted to confirm Neil Gorsuch to the Supreme Court. More than once in his time on the Tenth Circuit, Gorsuch voted to weaken the federal law that has prohibited felons from possessing guns for the past 50 years, a law that has saved thousands of lives and enjoys near-unanimous support among Americans and elected officials on both sides of the aisle. Even Justice Scalia, arguably the most conservative Supreme Court justice in modern history, spoke out in favor of reasonable firearms regulation, including the prohibition on felons possessing guns. Gorsuch’s radical position on the Second Amendment is far outside the mainstream, and his presence on the Supreme Court demonstrates just how important it is that we stand up for the commonsense, proven solutions that we know save lives.”

Given it is Friday and you probably need a laugh, both Ambler and Thomas were referred to as “gun safety experts”. When I see their Range Safety Officer certifications, then I’ll believe that they are gun safety experts. In the meantime, I’ll just consider them charlatans pushing more gun bans and confiscations.

Finally, there is the Coalition to Stop Gun Violence (sic). I see they haven’t really changed their rhetoric much since Ladd Everitt left them for greener pastures with George Takei and his group. Some things never change and CSGV’s statement shows that they are as pathetic as ever.

CSGV Statement: Senate Breaks the Rules to Confirm NRA’s Nominee

Neil Gorsuch’s confirmation is a low point in American legislative history

Washington, DC (April 6, 2017) — Today, the United States Senate paved the way for the confirmation of Judge Neil Gorsuch as Supreme Court justice by invoking the “nuclear option” — a move that blatantly disregards precedent and ends the ability to filibuster the confirmation of a Supreme Court justice.

This confirmation is legislators’ latest gift to the National Rifle Association (NRA), who played a significant role in Gorsuch’s nomination and spent $1 million in advertising to ensure his confirmation.

Coalition to Stop Gun Violence Executive Director Josh Horwitz released the following statement:

“Trump and his NRA puppet-masters now have a reliable vote in Neil Gorsuch. This stolen seat was one that the gun lobby invested in, and NRA leaders now expect a return on that investment. Between their unprecedented obstruction of Merrick Garland and their willingness to fundamentally change the rules, Mitch McConnell and his unscrupulous colleagues have shown they will stop at nothing to give the NRA what they want.”

Given all this nonsensical rhetoric, I think it would be helpful to follow the advice of Kevin Creighton and Michael Bane to read Dan Gifford’s article “Rebranding the Gun Culture”. As much as I make fun of the gun prohibitionists, I know that there are many in the mainstream media and the Northeastern power elite that will give them the time of day. For this reason, we need to fight them smarter and more effectively. We need to come up with effective terms to combat their use of “gun lobby” and “NRA puppets”.

The Vote To Confirm Justice Gorsuch

The Senate voted this morning to confirm Judge Neil Gorsuch to the Supreme Court to replace the late Justice Antonin Scalia. The final vote was 54 yea and 45 nay. Sen. Johnny Isakson (R-GA) is recovering from back surgery and was absent from the vote.

Here is how the Senate voted:

YEAs —54
Alexander (R-TN)
Barrasso (R-WY)
Blunt (R-MO)
Boozman (R-AR)
Burr (R-NC)
Capito (R-WV)
Cassidy (R-LA)
Cochran (R-MS)
Collins (R-ME)
Corker (R-TN)
Cornyn (R-TX)
Cotton (R-AR)
Crapo (R-ID)
Cruz (R-TX)
Daines (R-MT)
Donnelly (D-IN)
Enzi (R-WY)
Ernst (R-IA)
Fischer (R-NE)
Flake (R-AZ)
Gardner (R-CO)
Graham (R-SC)
Grassley (R-IA)
Hatch (R-UT)
Heitkamp (D-ND)
Heller (R-NV)
Hoeven (R-ND)
Inhofe (R-OK)
Johnson (R-WI)
Kennedy (R-LA)
Lankford (R-OK)
Lee (R-UT)
Manchin (D-WV)
McCain (R-AZ)
McConnell (R-KY)
Moran (R-KS)
Murkowski (R-AK)
Paul (R-KY)
Perdue (R-GA)
Portman (R-OH)
Risch (R-ID)
Roberts (R-KS)
Rounds (R-SD)
Rubio (R-FL)
Sasse (R-NE)
Scott (R-SC)
Shelby (R-AL)
Strange (R-AL)
Sullivan (R-AK)
Thune (R-SD)
Tillis (R-NC)
Toomey (R-PA)
Wicker (R-MS)
Young (R-IN)
NAYs —45
Baldwin (D-WI)
Bennet (D-CO)
Blumenthal (D-CT)
Booker (D-NJ)
Brown (D-OH)
Cantwell (D-WA)
Cardin (D-MD)
Carper (D-DE)
Casey (D-PA)
Coons (D-DE)
Cortez Masto (D-NV)
Duckworth (D-IL)
Durbin (D-IL)
Feinstein (D-CA)
Franken (D-MN)
Gillibrand (D-NY)
Harris (D-CA)
Hassan (D-NH)
Heinrich (D-NM)
Hirono (D-HI)
Kaine (D-VA)
King (I-ME)
Klobuchar (D-MN)
Leahy (D-VT)
Markey (D-MA)
McCaskill (D-MO)
Menendez (D-NJ)
Merkley (D-OR)
Murphy (D-CT)
Murray (D-WA)
Nelson (D-FL)
Peters (D-MI)
Reed (D-RI)
Sanders (I-VT)
Schatz (D-HI)
Schumer (D-NY)
Shaheen (D-NH)
Stabenow (D-MI)
Tester (D-MT)
Udall (D-NM)
Van Hollen (D-MD)
Warner (D-VA)
Warren (D-MA)
Whitehouse (D-RI)
Wyden (D-OR)
Not Voting – 1
Isakson (R-GA)

Senators Donnelly (D-IN), Heitkamp (D-ND), and Manchin (D-WV) were the lone Democrats that crossed party lines to vote for Judge Gorsuch. I presume the other Democrats were either supportive of their leader Chuck Schumer and scared of offending their progressive money sources and thus did not vote for a supremely qualified jurist to fill the open seat on the Supreme Court.